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Flying thick and fast out there, folks:
House Republicans took aim yesterday at the fundraising vehicle that Democrats hope will help them equalize the money battle in the upcoming campaign -- organizations dubbed in political circles as "527s" or "501s," for sections of the tax code.

Rep. Robert W. Ney (R-Ohio), chairman of the House Administration Committee, was granted the power to subpoena leaders of six organizations seeking to mobilize voters in support of Democratic candidates after they refused to appear before the committee. Ney said they had "thumbed their noses" at the panel but declined to say whether he would exercise his subpoena power.

Democrats on the committee immediately warned that if Ney does so, they will try to shift the focus of future hearing to charges that Republican House leaders have performed legislative favors in return for contributions from pharmaceutical companies and utilities.

One of those who refused to testify yesterday, Steve Rosenthal, head of the Partnership for America's Families, said in a statement: "It is clear that President Bush and the Republican Leadership are intimidated by the prospect of our registering, educating and turning out hundreds of thousands of progressive voters in 2004 so they'll do whatever they can to hamstring our operations and attempt to harass us. . . . we will not be bullied by partisan abuse of congressional power."

Ellen Malcolm, head of both Emily's List and Americans Coming Together, who also refused to testify, said the proceedings were "a blatant, taxpayer-financed attempt -- through innuendo and false charges -- to try and discredit legitimate grass-roots political organizations."

The prospect of subpoenas and the sharp, and sometimes angry, committee debate suggestive of the partisan rancor during the Clinton administration, reflect a larger battle taking place in the aftermath of the passage last year of the McCain-Feingold campaign finance law. The law barred both parties from raising and spending large "soft money" contributions from corporations, unions, trade associations and individuals. Self-described "independent" organizations from both sides of the political aisle are stepping in to fill the vacuum. These include nonprofit and political organizations, which fall under Internal Revenue Service sections 501 and 527, respectively.

Republicans are conducting a determined effort to stop -- or at least question -- what they claim could be the infusion of $400 million to $500 million to defeat President Bush in 2004 -- an estimate based on the highest spending claims made by all anti-Bush forces.


and the Claude Rains Memorial Gambling Awareness Award goes to Rep. John L. Mica:
Rep. John L. Mica (R-Fla.) called not only for a full-scale committee inquiry but also for investigations by the IRS and the Federal Election Commission, calling the growing number of independent organizations "the greatest threat to the federal election process we have ever seen."

Why does Rep. Mica deserve this prestigious award?

Thought you'd never ask.
IF THERE'S ANYONE who knows how to throw a good convention party, it's House Majority Leader Tom DeLay (R-Tex.). At the 2000 GOP convention in Philadelphia, Mr. DeLay served as concierge par excellence, providing chauffeured cars to take lawmakers from party to party and vintage rail cars outside the convention center that offered a convenient escape from the throngs. There were breakfasts and cocktail parties, golf tournaments and rock concerts, all underwritten by corporations with an interest in keeping Mr. DeLay and his colleagues well disposed. But the McCain-Feingold campaign finance law threatened to put a crimp in such partying by prohibiting lawmakers from soliciting the soft money needed to bankroll their fun.

Leave it to Mr. DeLay to find the loophole -- and a particularly repulsive one. With soft money off limits, Mr. DeLay has turned to charitable dollars instead, as Roll Call reported last week. From the donors' point of view, this approach has its benefits. They won't have their names disclosed, even as they curry favor. They get tax deductions, which isn't true of political contributions. And, for writing checks to "Celebrations for Children," they will get invitations to late-night parties, Broadway shows, a golf tournament and a luxury suite to watch President Bush's acceptance speech at the New York City convention. A $500,000 "Upper East Side" package entitles donors to a private dinner with Mr. DeLay before and after the convention, a yacht cruise with Mr. DeLay and other perks. The proceeds will go to charities for abused and neglected children, including Mr. DeLay's own foundation; his office says the charity aims to keep expenses to 25 percent and to net at least $1 million.

Mr. DeLay isn't alone in exploiting the charity route. Senate Majority Leader Bill Frist (R-Tenn.) is planning a Rockefeller Center fundraiser for charities that work on the global HIV/AIDS crisis. As outlined in a memo sent to trade groups and Washington corporate offices by his fundraising consultants, Linus Catignani and Linda Bond (wife of Missouri Republican Sen. Christopher S. Bond), the Frist gala will include a regular reception and concert -- but also a "private VIP reception to include all of the Senator's Republican Senate Colleagues, many key administration officials, other convention dignitaries."

In fairness, no-one in congress knows what's on the editorial page of the Sunday Washington Post.

Also in fairness, the reporter who wrote this story for the Washington Post seems to have missed it too.

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